It's Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it appears it’s time for a rethink. As time has passed, an observance that was initiated as a celebration and reminder of the past, cultural identity and bonds between international African diaspora communities, has adopted a corporate feel, expanding to include events where individuals of African heritage are remunerated to address Caucasian groups about implicit prejudice and active solidarity. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests sparked an increase in the enterprise of displaying cultural sensitivity. But even that moment has passed. The wave has crested, producing a diluted aftermath of what raising awareness is for.
Initially celebrated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was established in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with seven days of commemoration and observance in the February's second week. Black History Month evolved from this movement and was publicly established in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the North America in winter, but also in the tenth month in the Britain, Deutschland, Ireland and the Holland.
The observance has transformed since its inception, focusing less on the narratives of the slave trade across the Atlantic and civil rights battles, and increasingly on notable African descendants in politics, culture, and activism, and widely honoring the contribution Black people have made to mold society. It is in learning environments where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the way the celebration is observed is a indication of the contemporary political context. How it evolves is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to weakening: the restructuring of Black History Month has stymied the point of it, which is to tackle systemic and institutional racism.
Hardly anything shows how critical it is to reevaluate Black History Month better than the current time in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a resurgent right in the shape of the Reform political group is top in opinion ratings. In the summer we observed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the African descendant in charge of the Conservative party, is a strong critic of the racial justice movement, and we are in a place where a legislator feels emboldened to declare that the absence of Caucasian individuals in certain urban areas is a source of worry. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalist movements are surging in the European continent as a whole.
In the United States, a massive attack against DEI and affirmative action has been taken, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the state. A campaign to erase the history of people of color and legacy from the historical documents is under way. One of Donald Trump's early administrative commands targeted the museum of African American legacy, and the Smithsonian Institution, alleging that they of a organized and extensive campaign to rewrite our Nation’s history” by representing the nation “as inherently racist”.
In this context, the celebration illustrates how minimally it can be influential if it is restricted to either dutiful corporate observances, or stripped of political content commemorations of historical achievements, rather than addressing the conditions of the contemporary world. It also reveals how its restricted time span means that it is detached from the more extensive continuous action that is needed. Denise Miller, a educator at a learning establishment, articulated it most accurately when she raised concerns about the short-term symbolic gestures of the month. “The difficulty with embracing a superficial method”, she commented, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month evolves into a transient display rather than a catalyst for change.”
Determining how to alter, change and broaden efforts for fair treatment and appreciation in such moments of dejection and worry is a treacherous thing. There is a temptation to just eliminate observances such as Black History Month completely, believing they are inadequate for current needs, or are remnants of an time that has not worked.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and tradition of campaigns for equality – community-based BLM initiatives, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and yes, even those talks to businesses – represent an infrastructure that a significant effort has gone into. It is there not just to decay as the politics moves on (and in fact, declines), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? Well, first, it would be more than a single focused period: something that is dispersed through the year (as certain organizations are already commencing), sections of its curriculum (particularly around prominent figures of color) included in academic syllabi. It would also be a period that does not evade politics, and provides room for people, particularly young people, to share their anxieties and narratives. What use is mere awareness of the history when it fails to address the current situation of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the public spaces? Organizations who mark it should not be comforted with the passive language of hidden discrimination and sensitivity to “microaggressions”, but confronted with the threats that face all if opposition to discrimination is not treated with importance. To summarize, Black History Month should be made current, critical, and reactive. It could be that an entire name rebrand is in order – Black History is Now Month.